We have been helping to alleviate housing poverty in Zambia for decades, notably by working in partnership with poor and low-income families to best identify their needs. Share this country: Facebook. How we help alleviate housing poverty in Zambia We run a number of programmes to address the housing, water and sanitation needs in the country, including: House construction….
Pamwesu project for orphans and vulnerable children. The government budget has not prioritized poverty, which was shown in the national budget by the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace. Poverty in Zambia has been exacerbated by the external debt. Zambia is experiencing brain drain syndrome. Highly skilled personnel like teachers, scientists, administrators, doctors and nurses are migrating to different parts of the world. This has caused major undercuts on the development initiatives and contributed to the poverty in Zambia.
Education has not been made a priority by the government and majority of the Zambians cannot read and write. Literacy is needed to create confidence in the people, which can then incorporate a drive to overcome poverty.
Although Zambia has poverty reduction programs and there are donors who are helping, the country needs to take practical steps to protect the people from the crisis. The government needs to make poverty reduction a top priority. Proper implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies is needed.
The company, backed by the British government, promptly started mining, recruiting the men strong enough to work and taxing everyone else. In , decades of discontent with British rule, including the flight of all that copper revenue, culminated in a vote for independence.
Athletes arrived in Tokyo as Northern Rhodesians and left as Zambians. They returned to a Zambia whose language was English, religion was Christianity, legal system was common law, and, for better or for worse, economy was married to the world price of copper. If Zambia is married to mining, then Kitwe is handcuffed to it.
Most of the buildings in Kitwe, the roads, the health clinics, the schools, were built by the national mining company. At its peak, the Zambia Consolidated Copper Mines company employed more than 65, Zambians and carried out services like water delivery and waste collection for five cities in the Copper Belt Province. This topic comes up a lot in Kitwe, not just in official meetings, but in chit-chat with waiters, cab drivers, people in waiting rooms. They talk about a time when a mining company provided public services as glory days, the peak from which Kitwe, and Zambia, has fallen.
And fallen it has. The problem with the state-run mining company providing all that infrastructure, all those services, was that it ate into profits.
Starting in , the government sold it off in chunks to private bidders. Mining employment has dropped to just 30,, half of its glory-days peak, and the job of maintaining all that company housing and infrastructure has reverted back to the government.
Today, all of the mines are private. This is not an indicator that Zambia hosts a thriving chocolate and suspenders sector, but rather that its copper trades are booked in the jurisdiction where they are least likely to be taxed. Many of the mining companies pay just 0. They arrived like a well-packed picnic, everything in shipping crates ready to be unpacked. Their own materials, their own equipment, their own workers, their own fences. If you were designing a foreign investment not to benefit the host community, this is what it would look like.
So far this story—shitty colonizers, problematic independence, Chinese economic invaders—is the one we hear over and over from this part of the world, a sort of Mad Libs history of Sub-Saharan Africa. One of her employees is Thomas Sonkwe. He is the waiter at our hotel, making us cappuccinos, asking us what time we want dinner and breakfast. He is 43 but looks 21, shaved head on a wiry frame, here from 7 a. I want to stop child abuse.
The children selling water for the parents in the streets. If you are paid. He was born to a housewife and a chauffeur, one of two boys and five girls. He is the only person in his family who completed high school. When I ask him what his sisters do for a living, he says they are married. Ten years ago, one of his sisters died of AIDS. Thomas offered to take in her two children, Aaron and Leonard, whose fathers had died the same way.
Thomas wanted to send them to school, but his family resisted, saying there was no point. By 16, Aaron was married, with a pregnant wife and no job. By 18, his wife was a prostitute, the only viable way to earn a living to support their baby.
Three years later, they were both dead of AIDS. I meet her the morning after Thomas tells me about his nephews. In rural areas, women do most of the farming, but the men are the ones who go to the market, sell the crops, pocket the money.
Before they even get home, many of those kwachas have already disappeared into beer, sunglasses, and brand names. Namwile is regularly invited to the mines to lecture employees on spousal abuse, which she describes as an epidemic. Most had been married off early, 15 or 16, and since then had either left their husbands or lost them to AIDS. Thomas has six kids of his own. He can only afford to send the two oldest to school. The rest, he teaches himself. One of them has sickle cell, and Thomas spends a lot of time at the hospital.
A few months ago, while he was there, his landlord came into his house looking for the rent and, not finding Thomas, found his daughter, and beat her up as a punishment for the debt. He wants his kids to get educated and move back to his home village, people it with better skills, a better culture. First, you go to the tribal chief. Ninety-four percent of the land in Zambia is customary or traditional, no one has a title to it.
As noted, introducing a measure of shared sanitation generates patterns of deprivation quite different from those of the other sanitation indicators. These patterns of deprivation also differ substantially from the water, shelter, fuel, and education indicators and thus lead to a high degree of indeterminate outcomes. Recall that the combination 1,0,0 is indeterminate compared to 0,1,1 because no assumptions are made whether it is better to be not deprived in the first dimension or not deprived in all other dimensions.
Using the original set of indicators, as would be expected, Lusaka and urban areas dominated the nation, rural areas, and Central, Copperbelt, Lupuala, Northern, and North-Western provinces with probabilities near 50 per cent or more and in most cases close to per cent. Using the own indicator in spatial FOD comparisons, Lusaka dominates none of these areas with probabilities greater than 5 per cent.
Similarly, urban areas no longer dominate Central, Copperbelt, Lupuala, and Northern provinces. It should be noted that extensive indeterminate outcomes are certainly not always the result of indicator definitions. Indeterminacy may also result simply because areas have extremely different deprivation levels among the FOD indicators. In this case, the inability to conclusively compare welfare between provinces is more likely due to erratically different welfare profiles over time and space.
Zambia has made strides in revitalizing its economy over the last twenty years. The country rebounded from low and even negative growth in the s and s to a high average annual growth rate of 7 per cent in the s. Despite strong growth, structural changes over the last twenty years have brought little social transformation or employment creation Resnick and Thurlow Furthermore, policy attempts in the s to reduce rural poverty through farm input subsidies and price supports have largely failed to reach the poorest subset of rural households, small-scale farmers Mason et al.
Ultimately, impressive economic growth did not translate to substantial monetary poverty reduction for rural agricultural households compared to rural non-agricultural and urban households.
In contrast, strong growth and government efforts to increase spending on poverty reduction programmes and the delivery of public services appear to have had an impact on multidimensional poverty. FOD results provide evidence of broad-based gains in rural welfare in Zambia between and —gains driven by small-scale farm and non-agricultural rural households.
FOD also suggests urban welfare gains between and , driven by gains in urban low-cost housing areas. While these results are not robust to all choices of sanitation indicators, access to any sanitation facility is a general and broadly accepted goal.
Nevertheless, the results indicate that, in terms of the multidimensional indicators employed, some of the fruits of the improved government investments and growth performance have been translated into real progress in important development indicators on the ground. However, the own indicator produced quite different results, including a high degree of indeterminate outcomes, as patterns of sanitation quality and patterns of own facility usage differ significantly. When indicators follow vastly different patterns among populations over time or space, FOD comparisons are likely to result in indeterminate outcomes and provide less information regarding relative welfare.
Given the sensitivity of the results to indicator definitions, further analysis is warranted. Furthermore, considering alternative indicators measuring aspects of welfare such as health, nutrition, or access to information would better our understanding of the sensitivity of results to indicator selection as well as deepen our knowledge of the evolution of welfare in Zambia. Tunis: African Development Bank. Arndt, C. Hussain, V. Salvucci, F. Tarp, and L.
Bonnick, G. Washington, DC: World Bank. Living Conditions and Monitoring Survey I, Lusaka: CSO. Living Conditions and Monitoring Survey Report, Living Conditions and Monitoring Survey Report, and Census of Population and Housing Report. Lusaka: GRZ. Mason, N. Jayne, and R. Mofya-Mukuka Myers Tembo Masumbu, G. Mahrt Arndt, A. McKay, and F. Oxford: Oxford University Press, — Mofya-Mukuka, R. Kabwe, A. Kuteya, and N. Mason Lusaka: Indaba Agriculture Research Institute.
Thurlow UNDP Human Development Report Lusaka: UNDP. World Bank Geneva: WHO. Zulu, J. Either households are cultivating less than 5 hectares, 5—20 hectares, and more than 20 hectares, respectively, or they own at least a specified number of livestock or poultry.
To be classified as small-scale farms, households must own fewer than five exotic dairy cows and no beef cattle, exotic pigs, broilers, or layers. See CSO for specific details. All Rights Reserved. OSO version 0. University Press Scholarship Online.
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